I was thinking of expressing my views in support of adopting the Tactical Alliance approach, when I heard that the Coalition members held a meeting to decide on the way forward. The majority voted for taking the “tactical alliance approach”; thus, matter resolved – case closed!
Before we proceed, let me share with you the statement issued to journalists at the UDP-NRP-GMC press conference held on Sunday 5th March. It follows, and please read it carefully, and with an open mind:
The United Democratic Party (UDP), the National Reconciliation Party (NRP) and the Gambia Moral Congress (GMC), have jointly proposed a Tactical Alliance approach within the framework of the Coalition. The purpose of the Tactical Alliance is to achieve Coalition victory in the upcoming National Assembly elections scheduled for April, 2017.
These parties strongly believe that the proposed Tactical Alliance would be the most effective approach for the consolidation of power by President Adama Barrow to enable him and his team to fulfill their mandate for reform and reconstruction in The Gambia.
In the past few years, the UDP, NRP and GMC have proposed or participated in various initiatives aimed at forming a coalition to defeat the repressive APRC government. These initiatives included:
– The “Gambians United for Change” rallies in 2013/2014.
– The 2016 UDP Congress resolution mandated the party leadership to negotiate with all opposition parties on the formation of a united front that would sponsor a single candidate to contest the presidential election.
– The formation in 2015 of the inter-party Youth Forum initiated by Honourable Samba Jallow, the Minority Leader, comprising several opposition parties.
– In March, GMC hosted a multi-party meeting at Taibatu, URR, with a view to facilitating the formation of a united front for the 2016 elections, and paving the way for a single candidate for the 2016 presidential election.
In furtherance of the efforts for political unity, the UDP, NRP and the GMC hereby call on all members of the Coalition to join them in implementing a Tactical Alliance strategy in the forthcoming elections.
Coalition 2016 was formed for the sole purpose of selecting a unified opposition candidate to unseat the former President. The Coalition agreement dated October 17, 2016, dealt with the election of the presidential candidate. The agreement did not cover matters concerning the National Assembly elections. No agreement was reached on how the Coalition partners should cooperate in the sponsorship and selection of candidates for the forthcoming National Assembly election.
However, in the spirit of continuing and maintaining the Coalition, the UDP, NRP and GMC have proposed a tactical alliance strategy among all the Coalition partners. This entails choosing a candidate whose party is strongest in a particular constituency or one who is markedly qualified to represent the Coalition in the said constituency. Under the UDP/NRP/GMC proposal, no member of the Coalition will sponsor a candidate in any constituency where the tactical alliance has selected a candidate.
This approach will preserve and protect the Coalition spirit, as well as the parties and their ideological positions within the Coalition. With this approach, a party will sponsor candidates in areas where it commands the highest support and its Coalition partners would give support and vice versa in the name of the Coalition.
All National Assembly Members elected within the framework of the Tactical Alliance will owe allegiance to their various parties and will support the President and his transition government, in the Coalition spirit.
In addition to the above, the UDP/NRP/GMC strongly believes that the proposed tactical alliance will engender benefits, including the following:
- Maintain and promote multi-party democracy;
- Enhance electoral success for the Coalition;
- Promote coordination and harmonization of Coalition legislative programmes and agenda;
- Promote collegiality among Coalition 2016 legislators
- Allow the various Coalition partners to maintain their political visibility and competitiveness, and
- Allow all the Coalition partners to support President Adama Barrow’s legislative agenda, while maintaining their political identities
The proposal of having 53 Independent National Assembly members representing the Coalition is neither wise nor feasible because of various reasons, including the following:
- The legislative agenda for the development of the country must be based on the collective (partisan) ideological plans and programmes developed by all the parties over the past 22 years. This cannot and must not be thrown away. To entrust the Nation’s legislative agenda to 53 independent representatives who do not have a common platform is recipe for chaos, confusion, inefficiency, constant stalemates and lack of direction.
- It would also create a disconnect between the well-developed programmes of some of the political parties and the legislative activities of the elected members of the National Assembly.
- Each party has a right and duty to continue to assess the political realities and socio-economic needs of the country and to formulate legislative actions consistent with the party’s philosophy and vision. This would be lost if there is no party representation in the National Assembly.
- Legislators always caucus and form voting blocs based on political ideology and vision. This is an integral part of the legislative process in any democracy to achieve the development programmes of all political parties. The Tactical Alliance being proposed by the UDP, NRP and GMC will allow the Coalition National Assembly members to present a united front based on a common platform, as opposed to creating a chaotic situation whereby 53 National Assembly Members proceed on their own individual paths.
- The Tactical Alliance will promote accountability. The public will be able to judge the performance of the various parties based on their achievements in the National Assembly. The UDP, NRP and GMC are opposed to the proposal of having 53 independent candidates because, in part, it prevents the Gambian citizens from being able to assign credit or blame for their legislative successes and failures.
Finally, the UDP/NRP/GMC would like to reiterate that as founding members of the Coalition 2016 which removed Yahya Jammeh from power through the ballot box; their parties will continue to commit their support to the Coalition government of President Adama Barrow.
Any rumour that these parties are not agreeing to an independent party platform and, therefore, have intentions of breaking or destroying the Coalition that they fought so hard to create, is not only false and deliberately misleading, but utterly dishonest.
The UDP/NRP/GMC wish to assure our Coalition partners and, indeed, the entire Gambian population that they will never relent from playing their part in the Coalition in the interest and well-being of the Gambian Nation.
Long Live the Coalition! Long Live the Gambia!
United Democratic Party – National Reconciliation Party – Gambia Moral Congress
Now, during my reflection on this matter, I decided and now I’m firmly convinced, after reading the shared statement above, that the position of the three parties was very sound, and is the best way to proceed.
An alternative “experiment” in which so-called “independent” candidates of the Coalition contest in the National Assembly election, would produce a legislature where the government relies on the support of lawmakers who are “Independents” and were not candidates of any of the constituent political parties of the Coalition.
Under the country’s Elections Law, there is no political party registered as the “Coalition”. This was the reason for the “independent candidate” tag! Which label Barrow, sponsored by the UDP in the primary which selected the Coalition’s presidential candidate, was compelled to take so as to qualify, under the law, to participate in the election, which he won; an event which has transformed the political landscape of this country for good!
In any case, the explanation for not agreeing to “an independent party platform”, given above by the UND-NRP-GDC tactical alliance promoters, and the declaration that it “is neither wise nor feasible because of various reasons”, is acceptable to any right-thinking person with a sound mind.
We may want to copy the arrangement under the Benno Bokk Yakaar coalition backing the government of Macky Sall in Senegal, as they prepare to contest in their forthcoming legislative elections in July 2017.
This may well be the model inspiring the alternative approach which we described as the “experiment”, and which was being promoted by some backers of the Coalition government of the Adama Barrow.
However, in Senegal it is the Alliance for the Republic (APR) party of President Macky Sall which is definitely the “ruling party”.
Moreover, it is felt in some quarters that the “experiment” will stifle diversity and competition, which are essential for the success of any democratic dispensation.
Related to the foregoing, we recall that when UN under-secretary general … visited Gambia recently, and addressed a news conference, he spoke of Gambians living under a “one party government”, referring to the past 22 years of rule by only the APRC governments under Yahya Jammeh.
Under the constitution, what you have is a Cabinet comprising all Barrow appointees; a Judiciary of all government appointees (with Barrow appointing the Chief Justice and all superior courts judges); the head of the Civil Service and all senior public servants also all of them Barrow appointees; and the High Command of the military and security establishment, etc., all required to kowtow to President Barrow – to whom they all owe their positions and jobs.
The advocates of the “experiment” we referred to above want us to have a legislature, where all the so-called “Independents” are beholden to Barrow, and not to any political party which is a member of the Coalition. Does such a system exist anywhere in the world?
We are all aware that all the conditions, as highlighted above, are still there for the re-emergence of a one-person and or one party/single party rule, and should the “Independent National Assembly members representing the Coalition” secure a majority in the National Assembly, as the outcome of the “experiment”, it buttresses the power of a monolithic Coalition government.
What is clear is that it is preferable to have a National Assembly with members who will serve the national interest, not lawmakers there to advance their party agenda or personal interest, and definitely not MPs who will be dictated to by the President.
Certainly, we must not go back to the way Yahya Jammeh controlled the National Assembly – where the speaker, deputy speaker, majority leader and even the Clerk of the House (a civil servant!) were all card-carrying members of the ruling APRC party.
A National Assembly where every bill or motion was declared as “non-controversial”, including, just to cite a few, the IEC bill which amended the Elections Law and increased the fees for candidates; as well as the bill amending the Information Act 2009, which provided for 15 years imprisonment and a fine of D3 million for conviction for a “crime” of expression on the Internet and social media!
To return to such a political situation would be the opposite of what we are campaigning for under NAM – the Never Again Movement – which we launched to create mass awareness so that Gambians must Never Again tolerate the emergence of a leader like Yahya Jammeh in this country!
Indeed, with members of the executive (the vice president and all ministers), judiciary (the chief justice) and legislature (speaker) all beholden to President Barrow; all having sworn to the oath of allegiance to the Republic, yet required to declare loyalty to the President and the commander-in-chief – if Gambians are not vigilant, and Barrow is not careful about all that power going into his head, we could end up with a government like that of Yahya Jammeh.
Thus, it is our view that since it is risky to embark on “an uncontrolled experiment”, we should go with a feasible option, which conforms to the constitution and Elections Law – especially, remembering the debacle of the failed NADD coalition experiment, when the opposition made an embarrassing blunder, and Gambians were compelled to go back and hold avoidable bye-elections in Serrekunda and the provinces.
We are aware of the Tahawal Banjul initiative. We understand, from a press release that the “primary objective…is to put in place a system that will allow political parties to select competent and committed candidates…through a primary…”
Such an approach is consistent with the majority voted decision taken by Coalition members to have a “tactical alliance” for the April 2017 National Assembly election.
In as much as we are committed to the goal of evolving a democratic system in Gambia which is second to none in the world, we also know that one needs to work on it, and that it is going to be a process and will take time.
Definitely, one must be patient and wait for the objective conditions to arise, and not rush, lest we undo all the progress we have achieved so far, and in the process confuse, alienate and lose the goodwill of the Gambian electorate.